President Museveni
I have failed to shake off this feeling that every night before Gen Yoweri Museveni reclines in his bed — possibly for the last 15 years — he never stops wishing there was a kingdom called Uganda with him as king.
In this dream, his children and wives will be queens, princes, and princesses, and all clanmates, royalty. Because, despite running and enjoying Uganda like it were actually a kingdom — journalist Andrew Mwenda famously told us much in 2009 — Museveni lacks royal blood.
His wives, children and all kindred are just like all of us, bakopi, commoners in this thing called Uganda. There is no denying that the succession question — named as such and not transition — has preoccupied the mind of Museveni and his co-conspirators for a long time.
“How do we ensure we do not lose the wealth, power and influence we have accumulated as soon as the next government takes over?” And then, “how do we ensure a friendly government comes after our main hero, Yoweri Museveni?”
After much deliberation and soul-searching, they settled for the son, Gen Muhoozi Kainerugaba. And they have been manufacturing, panel-beating, and cobbling a president out of him.
Strangely, despite many people thriving and being closely associated with Museveni’s reign, it seems the king did not trust any other person outside of family. It could not be anybody else, however friendly and brilliant they may be.
But at the conclusion of this search, and upon reaching this decision, they were faced with one painful reality: they were not royalty – and Uganda is not a kingdom.
See, for royalty — actual kings and queens with royal roots — the announcement of the prospective king, even if this were a baby, is met with ululations and jubilation inside homes, gossip corners and alehouses. The crowning is met with general public affection, offers of gifts and messages of congrats from near and beyond. But Yoweri Museveni and family lack royal blood. Well, they could be royalty somewhere else, but not in Uganda.
THE GAMES, THE PURGE
As luck would have it, Museveni and co. thrived in a space where if one intended, opposition politicians can be bought off through the political system itself. Our colonisers, new and old — from Andrew Cohen to IMF and World Bank — managed to design a politics that is a bribe itself – a trap for the elite.
As Kalundi Serumaga meticulously elaborated recently, the LEGCO/parliament (add institutionalised civil society and NGOs) form “the primary channel through which the regime can widely, safely and continually interact with the political class as a whole,” bribing them and disconnecting them from the rest of the masses.
Museveni and co. have so seamlessly adopted the Cohen model, bribing whoever joined the political playing field. Opposition political parties, young and old, from DP, UPC, to the FDC, and more recently NUP are all in ruins, only keeping appearances while being eaten inside out.
You do not really have to shoot and kill anyone: Against neoliberal impoverishment, just “oil the system” in which they operate — throw money at them — and they will tear themselves apart.
Where does actual opposition exist? On the streets of Kampala and social media circles (which is regarded almost powerless, at best, inconvenient noise). The work of Dr Spire Ssentongo and Agatha Atuhaire, for example, can be dismissed as background noise. Or as highways to joining institutionalised politics, or non-governmental work, where the system will tactfully capture them.
But there exists real opposition in the armed forces. Indeed, Yoweri Museveni has been careful with appointments, deployments and retirements. The armed forces, specifically the UPDF (sadly, not much for regular police officers), have to be well-taken care of. Their saving scheme, Wazalendo, is the biggest in the country, and soldiers often get gigs abroad —Somalia, Afghanistan, Iraq, South Sudan — to boost their incomes and morale.
Yes, because these folks carry weapons and have more tactical training, their anger has potential for serious opposition. Notice that theoretically, it is not possible for over 45,000 officers — young and old, from different villages and ethnics — to appreciate the idea of saluting a man whose only claim to importance is birth. Rifts might not exist, but sentiments have to be managed.
The Sunday Monitor lead story on March 24, 2024 enumerating the allies of the recently appointed ‘commander in chief ’, signal to the presence of adversaries in the same force. Or folks simply seated on the fence. Have we forgotten the witch-hunt against Gen David Sejusa when he signalled to a presence of the Muhoozi Project more than 10 years go?
Have we forgotten the rumours of death by poisoning of Gen Aronda Nyakairima for being opposed to the Muhoozi project? Definitely, for the success of a ‘succession without royal blood’ we will hear about or actually see more purges within the armed forces in the coming days. Because it appears now that the crowning is near.
BEING A “DEMOCRACY”
Because Museveni and co., are only workers of IMF and the WB, and their bosses, sadly, understand one language, democracy, however pretentious. IMF and WB will only accept new management as long as they entered office ‘with the mandate of the people,’ which is an elected leader.
To this end, Museveni has a lot of work to do to earn their democratic trust. Museveni could appoint son, vice president, which directly puts him in line for the throne. But how does this go down in a country that pretends being a democracy? How will our bosses receive this?
Again, Museveni has to painfully gamble along, camouflage with this appointment and another, and ensure that something looking like a democracy is visible. Whatever happens, Gen Kainerugaba will have to organise an election — not for Ugandans, but for the actual bosses. But are all the stars aligned to successfully steal it?
yusufkajura@gmail.com
The author is a political theorist based at Makerere University.
Source: The Observer
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