ADF attacks: Who is telling the truth?

Almost two weeks ago, Lhubiriha Secondary School in Mpondwe, Kasese district, fell victim to a brutal attack by gunmen, resulting in the deaths of nearly 50 students and residents.

The incident occurred at 11 pm, and by morning, Uganda Police spokesperson Fred Enanga had issued a statement attributing the attack to the rebel group known as the Allied Democratic Forces (ADF).

This pronouncement sparked a heated debate in both traditional and social media regarding the veracity of the claim that the ADF was responsible, leading many to question how the police obtained such information without conducting any preliminary investigations.

This hasty declaration, prior to any thorough inquiry, is not a new phenomenon in Uganda. Over the past decade, whenever assassinations have occurred in the country, the government has consistently laid blame on the ADF. Interestingly, the ADF itself has never claimed responsibility for any of the murders attributed to them by the state.

From the killing of Sheikh Abdulkarim Ssentamu in 2012 to the assassinations of individuals such as Mustapha Bahiga, Hassan Kirya, Abdulkadir Muwaya, Muhammad Kiggundu, and even non-religious figures like former police spokesperson Andrew Felix Kaweesi and former Buyende District Police Commander Muhammad Kirumira, as well as the attempted assassination of General Katumba Wamala and the 2022 bombings in Kampala, the government has consistently implicated the ADF.

TWO ACADEMICS, TWO BOOKS

To better understand this group, we turn to the work of two academics at the Makerere Institute of Social Research: Dr Joseph Kasule and Dr. Yahya Sserembe.

In their research on the Muslim question in Uganda, they establish that the ADF has ties to the internal conflicts within the Muslim community, particularly between the Salaf faction, commonly referred to as the Tabliq, and other Muslims.

However, the authors emphasize that this connection does not make the ADF an exclusively Muslim or Islamic affair.

In a book chapter in the Misr Review of 2018 titled “Ffe tuli ku kituufu, abalala bali ku byaabwe”: The Intra-Salaf Debate and Violent State Intervention in Uganda’s Muslim Community, (Joseph Kasule) as well as Sseremba’s 2022 book titled Islam in Uganda: The Muslim Minority, Nationalism & Political Power,” Kasule and Sseremba trace the origins of the ADF to the conflict within the Muslim community, which intensified with the 1991 seizure of the Uganda Muslim Supreme Council headquarters by the Tabliq.

Their objective was to remove the then Mufti Sheikh Saad Luwemba and replace him with Sheikh Rajab Kakooza. This event, according to the authors, marked a turning point not only in the internal Muslim conflicts but also in the relationship with the state.

In early 1991, a court ruling declared Saad Luwemba as the rightful Mufti, contrary to the Tabliq’s preference for Rajab Kakooza. In response, the Tabliq resorted to forcefully seizing control of the UMSC headquarters. Luwemba’s perceived alignment with President Museveni, who was open to the idea of returning the UMSC headquarters to its previous owner, the Agha Khan, led to further tensions.

Sheikh Jamil Mukulu led the Tabliq’s siege on the UMSC, which incurred the wrath of the police and military. The siege resulted in the deaths of four policemen and four police dogs. Subsequently, several Tabliq members and their leaders, including Mukulu, were arrested, while others like Muhammad Yunus Kamoga fled into exile.

“The arrest and imprisonment of its leadership divided the Tabliq more than any other event concerning how to proceed with their attempt at revolution. While in prison, Jamil Mukulu continued with his plans for a full-scale military rebellion…Upon his release, Mukulu proclaimed, ‘Wetwaakoma we tutandikira’ (we begin from where we stopped), and he revived his recruitment plans,” writes Kasule.

He further notes that in addition to the arrests, the government escalated its crackdown on the Tabliq throughout the country, leading to further distrust. Islamophobia also increased in rural areas, manifesting in acts such as desecrating mosques by dumping pork inside.

In response, Mukulu and others implored the government to intervene and halt these acts, warning that they would defend themselves if the atrocities persisted.

“If these atrocities do not stop, we shall resort to different means. We are peaceful where there is peace…we shall take up arms…this is not a threat, it’s a reality… we can form an army. Tumwine [the late Gen. Elly] was an artist who went to the bush and returned as a major general. When we go to the police, we receive no help. The state wants to exploit us; stop politicizing us; don’t make us fertile ground for recruitment,” quotes Kasule from Mukulu’s statement before launching an armed rebellion against the government alongside 265 fighters.

Operating under the name Uganda Muslim Liberation Army-UMLA, they established bases in Buseruka, Hoima district. However, they were crushed by the NRA (National Resistance Army) between 1992 and 1994, and the remaining elements, including Mukulu, relocated to the forests of the Democratic Republic of the Congo. Sseremba notes that before relocating to the DRC, Mukulu’s UMLA joined forces with the National Army for the Liberation of Uganda (NALU), led by Amon Bazira, and some disenchanted members of the Bakonzo community to form the Allied Democratic Forces-ADF.

Sseremba asserts, “What is evident is that the ADF is composed of diverse groups and interests and attempts to categorize it as exclusively or predominantly Muslim have provided little to no evidence…Mukulu emerged as the most prominent figure within the ADF due to the government’s narrative that portrays the group as solely Muslim.”

In conclusion, the recent attack on Lhubiriha Secondary School has reignited the discussion surrounding the ADF’s involvement. The research conducted by Dr Kasule Joseph and Dr Yahya Sserembe sheds light on the ADF’s origins within the internal conflicts of the Muslim community.

While the ADF’s association with the Salaf faction, particularly the Tabliq, is acknowledged, it is important to recognize that the ADF is not exclusively a Muslim or Islamic group. The complex dynamics and diverse interests within the ADF defy simplistic categorization.

As the public seeks to comprehend the situation, it is crucial to ask critical questions rather than accepting information at face value. Sseremba raises an important question regarding the Ugandan government’s portrayal of the Allied Democratic Forces (ADF) as an exclusively Muslim group.

Despite research indicating the multifaceted nature of the ADF, official narratives consistently associate it solely with Islam and Muslims, leading to the killing and arresting of several Muslims following prominent assassinations. Quoting former deputy IGP Paul Lokech, who stated that only Muslims can join the ADF, Sseremba argues that this official narrative reflects more on the intentions of those framing the group rather than the group itself.

The intention behind the Ugandan government’s persistent framing of the ADF as an exclusively Muslim group, despite evidence to the contrary, is an important question. Sseremba suggests that associating the ADF with Islam aligns with the assumption in the war on terror that terrorism is rooted in certain Islamic teachings.

Ugandan security reports claim an increasing use of Salaf mosques as recruitment and indoctrination centers, suggesting that youth belonging to the Salaf and Tabliq sects of Islam are targeted by the ADF for recruitment.

Sseremba further notes that the state exceptionalizes the ADF and distinguishes it from other Ugandan rebel groups, even those invoking Christianity like Joseph Kony’s Lord’s Resistance Army and Alice Lakwena’s Holy Spirit Movement.

Kasule adds that dressing the ADF in Islamic attire also suits the American war on terror, as Uganda has positioned itself as America’s trusted ally in this war. By linking the ADF to Islam, it justifies cracking down on Muslims, including those who have legitimate disagreements with the government.

Regarding alleged ADF activities, there were reported attacks attributed to the ADF in Western Uganda, including the notorious attack on Kicwamba Technical College in 1998 that resulted in the deaths of almost 100 students.

There were also cases of bombings in Kampala and other towns, although there are conflicting reports about whether these were genuinely ADF activities or involved other actors. Some state personnel involved in counterterrorism operations became wealthy due to substantial budgets allocated to these operations.

In the early 2000s, the government declared that it had defeated the ADF and that the group no longer had the capacity to launch attacks in Uganda. As evidence of this narrative, former ADF fighters sought amnesty, with some being integrated into the Ugandan People’s Defense Forces (UPDF) and others becoming informants for security forces.

However, in 2012, the narrative changed when IGP Gen Kale Kayihura attributed the killing of Sheikh Abdul Karim Ssentamu in Kampala to the ADF. Kasule obtained audio recordings of ADF leader Mukulu denying any involvement in Ssentamu’s murder, questioning why the state admired Ssentamu’s work of preaching against Jihad.

Kasule expresses doubts about the ADF’s responsibility for the crimes it has been accused of. He conducted interviews with former ADF fighters and undisclosed government officials, revealing that some former fighters turned informants may provide false information based on lies and defamation to fight political battles and remain relevant to those in power.

Kasule suggests that this scenario has contributed significantly to the murder of various clerics. In conclusion, the portrayal of the ADF as an exclusively Muslim group by the Ugandan government raises questions about the intentions behind such framing.

Sseremba and Kasule’s books provide further insights into the ADF’s multifaceted nature and shed light on the complexities of the situation. For more detailed information, their books are available for purchase on Amazon.

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